
Table of contents
- 1. VE Day: Surrender of Germany skip to link
- 2. VJ Day: Surrender of Japan skip to link
- 2.1 Potsdam declaration: Demand for Japan’s unconditional surrender skip to link
- 2.2 Ending the conflict: Use of the atomic bomb and Soviet attacks skip to link
- 2.3 VJ Day: Celebrating the end of the war skip to link
- 2.4 Other international developments: Creation of an international organisation skip to link
- 3. Parliament’s reaction to the end of the conflicts skip to link
- 4. Commemorative events to mark 80th anniversary skip to link
- 5. Read more skip to link
Approximate read time: 31 minutes
On 9 May 2025, the House of Lords is scheduled to debate the following motion:
Lord Coaker (Labour) to move that this House takes note of the 80th anniversary of Victory in Europe and Victory over Japan.
Lord Coaker is a minister of state at the Ministry of Defence.
On 8 May 1945, the unconditional surrender of all German forces to the allies came into effect. The day was declared as Victory in Europe Day (VE Day) across the west, and in Britain the day was made a national holiday by Prime Minister Winston Churchill. Victory over Japan Day (VJ Day) was celebrated by Britain on 15 August 1945, following the unconditional surrender of Japan. It marked the end of the second world war.
This year events will take place across the UK to commemorate the 80th anniversary of both VE Day and VJ Day.
1. VE Day: Surrender of Germany
1.1 Surrender was unconditional
On 4 May 1945, a German delegation arrived at the headquarters of British Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery at Lüneburg Heath, east of Hamburg. Montgomery accepted the unconditional surrender of the German forces in the Netherlands, north west Germany and Denmark.[1]
Three days later, at his headquarters at Reims, Supreme Allied Commander General Eisenhower accepted the unconditional surrender of all German forces. Hitler’s successor, Grand Admiral Dönitz, had authorised Germany’s negotiator General Alfred Jodl to make the final and complete surrender of all German forces on all fronts.
The document of surrender was signed on behalf of Germany on 7 May 1945. It came into effect at 23.01 Central European time the following day, on 8 May 1945.[2]
Soviet leader Josef Stalin insisted Germany sign another surrender agreement in Berlin.[3] This was signed on behalf of Germany by Field Marshall William Keitel on 8 May 1945. However, in the Soviet Union VE Day was on 9 May 1945 because of the different time zone in Moscow. Russia continues to celebrate VE Day on 9 May every year.
1.2 VE Day celebrations started early
The announcement that the war in Europe had ended was broadcast in Britain over the radio late on 7 May 1945.[4] The BBC interrupted its schedule with a newsflash declaring the following day VE Day, and that it would be a national holiday.
Many people in Britain did not wait for the official day of celebration. After the news was announced on 7 May 1945, people started to put up bunting and flags, bonfires were lit and “pubs were full of revellers”.[5]
On the morning of 8 May 1945, the Ministry of Food assured Churchill there were enough beer supplies in London for the celebrations of the national holiday and the Board of Trade announced that people could purchase red, white and blue bunting without using ration coupons.
Numerous events were organised to celebrate, including parades, thanksgiving services and parties in the streets. London’s St Paul’s Cathedral held 10 consecutive services giving thanks for peace.
At 3pm on 8 May 1945, Churchill made a national broadcast, announcing the news that the war in Europe had ended. He later appeared on the balcony of the Ministry of Health building in central London and gave an unplanned speech to cheering crowds.
Huge numbers of people were also in the Mall and in front of Buckingham Palace, where King George VI, Queen Elizabeth, and Princesses Elizabeth and Margaret appeared on the balcony to greet them. Later, the princesses secretly joined the crowds during the evening celebrations.
King George also gave a radio address in which he praised his subjects’ endurance but also paid tribute to those who had died during the war:
Let us remember those who will not come back […] let us remember the men in all the services, and the women in all the services, who have laid down their lives. We have come to the end of our tribulation and they are not with us at the moment of our rejoicing.[6]
Festivities, partying and singing carried on late into the night, with many people lighting bonfires and setting off fireworks. The Imperial War Museums estimate there were 50,000 people crowded around Piccadilly Circus in London by midnight.[7]
1.3 VE Day did not mark the end of the war
VE Day did not mean the end to the conflict as war with Japan continued. In May 1945, thousands of allied forces were still fighting in the Pacific and the far east, and thousands more were still prisoners of war.[8]
During his national broadcast on 8 May 1945, Churchill acknowledged that Germany’s surrender had not ended the war with Japan and there were still many allied personnel, including British and Commonwealth servicemen, fighting abroad. He cautioned the public:
[…] we may allow ourselves a brief period of rejoicing; but let us not forget for a moment the toil and efforts that lie ahead.[9]
2. VJ Day: Surrender of Japan
2.1 Potsdam declaration: Demand for Japan’s unconditional surrender
The Potsdam conference was held between 17 July and 2 August 1945; it was the last meeting of the ‘Big Three’ allied leaders during the second world war.[10] In February 1945, the leaders of Britain, the US and the Soviet Union had agreed to meet following the defeat of Germany, mainly to discuss the borders of post-war Europe.
However, they also addressed the issue of ending the war with Japan. On 26 July 1945, Britain, America and China issued the Potsdam declaration, which called for the unconditional surrender of Japan. It threatened that the alternative was Japan’s “prompt and utter destruction”:[11]
We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all the Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction.[12]
The joint statement said that until a “new order” in Japan was established, the allies would designate and occupy Japanese territory. However, the declaration stressed its intention was not that the “Japanese shall be enslaved as a race or destroyed as [a] nation”.[13]
The Soviet Union was not involved in this declaration because at the time of the conference it was neutral in the war against Japan.
2.2 Ending the conflict: Use of the atomic bomb and Soviet attacks
According to the historians Richard Morgan and John Caiger, opinion among Japanese leaders on the Potsdam declaration was divided.[14] The Japanese government was deadlocked about accepting the occupation of Japan by allied forces.[15] However, Morgan and Caiger state that it was not until the dropping of the atomic bombs and the Soviet Union’s decision to end its neutrality in the Pacific war that the Japanese emperor’s views were sought.[16] They argue Emperor Hirohito’s eventual intervention led to Japan’s surrender.[17]
On 6 and 9 August 1945, atomic bombs were dropped by US planes on Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively, with massive loss of life.[18] On 8 August, the Soviet Union, which had had a neutrality pact with the Japanese since 1941, allied itself to the Potsdam declaration. Unbeknown to Japan, Stalin had committed in February 1945 to enter the Pacific war on the side of the Allies within three months of Germany’s defeat. On 9 August 1945, Soviet forces attacked Manchuria and Korea. Japan’s defence in Manchuria collapsed overnight.[19]
Mason and Caiger state that the emperor’s views, “influencing military and civilian leaders alike, were solicited only in the final days of extreme peril”, first on 9 and then again on 14 August 1945.[20] They state that the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and Soviet attacks led the emperor to favour surrender on the terms proposed at Potsdam.[21] His personal intervention confirmed Japan’s decision to accept unconditional surrender; this was agreed at an Imperial Council on 14 August 1945.[22]
On 15 August 1945, the Japanese government’s decision was made public in an unprecedented radio broadcast by Emperor Hirohito.[23] He confirmed the surrender of Imperial Japan to the allies. The instrument of surrender would later be formally signed on 2 September 1945 onboard the USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay.
2.3 VJ Day: Celebrating the end of the war
Japan’s unconditional surrender marked the end of the second world war. At 7pm on 14 August 1945, US President Harry Truman announced the end of hostilities between the allied forces and Japan.[24] In Britain, the news was confirmed by the new prime minister, Clement Attlee, in a midnight radio broadcast. He told the nation that “Japan has today surrendered. The last of our enemies is laid low”.
On 15 August 1945, many British people first found out about the end of the war from newspaper headlines.[25] The scenes of celebration that followed were reminiscent of those seen on VE Day. Huge crowds gathered to cheer King George VI and Queen Elizabeth on their way to Westminster for the opening of Parliament that day. The government announced a two-day public holiday.[26]
To mark the end of the second world war, 15 August 1945 came to be known as ‘Victory over Japan Day’ in Britain. However, in the US it is commemorated on 2 September, the day on which the surrender terms were formally signed in 1945.[27]
Historian Gill Bennett argues that while VJ Day has been a cause for celebration, “the way it ended, and in particular the use of the atomic bomb, meant the legacy of the war against Japan would remain complex and contested”.[28] Bennett suggests that commemorating VJ Day has been the “trigger for controversy, guilt and sadness” as well as for recognition of the service of those who had fought in the war.
2.4 Other international developments: Creation of an international organisation
In their conferences and discussions during the war, the leaders of the US, the Soviet Union, Britain and China had agreed that an international organisation was needed.[29] Its purpose would be to prevent the outbreak of another global war.
These plans culminated in a conference in San Francisco, attended by 50 nations, held between 25 April and 26 June 1945.[30] The conference resulted in the creation of the United Nations.[31] According to historian Norrie MacQueen, the structure of the proposed institution was accepted “without demur” and the basic constitution of the United Nations, its charter, was adopted with only “marginal and technical modifications”.[32]
3. Parliament’s reaction to the end of the conflicts
3.1 Initial reaction to Germany’s surrender
House of Commons
On 8 May 1945, Prime Minister Winston Churchill confirmed to the House of Commons that Germany had surrendered and repeated the official statement he had made to the nation. Mr Churchill then expressed his “deep gratitude” to the House. He stated:
[…] the strength of the parliamentary institution has been shown to enable it at the same moment to preserve all the title deeds of democracy while waging war in the most stern and protracted form. I wish to give my hearty thanks to men of all parties, to everyone in every part of the House where they sit, for the way in which the liveliness of parliamentary institutions has been maintained under the fire of the enemy and for the way in which we have been able to persevere—and we could have persevered much longer if the need had been—till all the objectives which we set before us of the procuring of the unlimited and unconditional surrender of the enemy had been achieved.[33]
Following Churchill’s statement, the House agreed a motion, similar to that which had been moved in “former times”, to:
[…] now attend at the Church of St Margaret, Westminster, to give humble and reverent thanks to Almighty God for our deliverance from the threat of German domination.[34]
On 15 May 1945, the House of Commons resolved that a humble address be presented to the King to express its “heartfelt congratulations on the victorious conclusion of the war in Europe” and to
[…] express the deep feeling which exists throughout the whole country that your Majesty and your Gracious Consort have from the beginning contributed in a wonderful manner to the courage and constancy of the people by your inspiring example, by the extreme personal exertions you have made year after year, by your willingness to share all their trials, and your constant sympathy with them in the losses which they have endured.[35]
The motion also acknowledged the “powerful help given without hesitation and without stint to the common cause by the peoples of your Empire and Commonwealth of Nations overseas”.[36]
The address confirmed the House’s “resolute support in the continuing war against Japan”. It said:
It is our earnest prayer that, under God’s grace, the glorious victory won in Europe may be followed by a speedy and successful conclusion of the struggle against Japan and that your Majesty’s reign, so many years of which have been darkened by war and the threats of war, may long continue in a world at peace.[37]
House of Lords
On 8 May 1945, Minister of Reconstruction Lord Woolton repeated Churchill’s statement to the House of Lords and moved that the House attend Westminster Abbey to give thanks.[38]
On 15 May 1945, the House of Lords also agreed a motion to present a humble address to the King to express its “united and deeply-felt congratulations” on the end of the war in Europe.[39] Similar to the House of Commons motion, the address expressed its “admiration” for the way in which the King and Queen “set an example at every stage of the struggle”.
Moving the motion, Lord Woolton stated that it had been a “blessing […] that King George and Queen Elizabeth have been on the throne these last five years”.[40] He praised the crowds celebrating the news of Germany’s surrender for their “orderly […] rejoicing” and for their “dignity”.[41]
Lord Woolton argued that the British Empire had become the “symbol and the bastion of freedom” during the war and that the “Commonwealth and the Empire [had] unified their own resistance with that of the old country”.[42] He went on to praise the “unity of the nation”, highlighting that it was not just the armed forces that contributed to the war effort but also those who worked in factories, workshops, offices, laboratories and hospitals.
However, Lord Woolton also struck a solemn tone when he cautioned there were still many issues to be tackled as a result of the war in Europe, and that although Germany had surrendered, the war in the Pacific continued:
In this period of rejoicing we shall not forget the many tasks that remain to be done here and elsewhere, nor in the joy of victory in Europe are we forgetful of the false and treacherous enemy in the east who once called us friend and has so often and so cordially been welcomed on these shores.[43]
Nevertheless, Lord Woolton argued that Britain and its allies had been making advances in the Pacific:
[…] the shackles are already falling from the unhappy British and allied areas that were at first overrun by this savage and very versatile foe. Island by island the Americans are advancing on the homeland of Japan, liberating as they go. The Australians have thrust the threat of invasion from their shores and are sweeping New Guinea clean of the pestilential human flood. Meanwhile a great military operation has been successfully conducted in Burma by a very gallant body of men working under great commanders. They have retrieved our fortunes there. They have flung the invader from the soil of India and they have driven him headlong until Mandalay is ours once more and we have again the great port and capital city of Rangoon. The Burma Road is open and along its lifeline aid is pouring into China, the first of the United Nations to stand against aggression and to fight.[44]
Labour peer Lord Addison argued VE Day was “primarily a victory for the British people” and praised the “example the people of these islands have set to all free peoples”.[45]
He agreed with Lord Woolton that there were still many “thorny and difficult problems” to deal with in Europe.[46] He argued that the allies still needed to “win the peace”, which would demand “continued fortitude and the utmost national unity of purpose”.[47] Lord Addison stressed that the “German generals who now seek to play themselves off against the Nazis, and to pose as a government” should be granted no privileges nor special consideration. He argued that “unless the whole German military system is crushed and stamped out we shall have fought this war in vain”.
Lord Addison concluded his speech by praising the leadership of Winston Churchill. He said Churchill’s “contribution to victory cannot be measured”.[48] Lord Addison argued:
His essential greatness, his understanding of his fellow countrymen, his frankness, his courage and his good nature have won for him a trust and an allegiance from the people, in this struggle, to an extent that I do not think has been equalled by any British statesman of the past.[49]
Liberal peer Viscount Samuel addressed many of the same issues. On the war in the Pacific, he argued that Britain still had a “great and arduous duty” in the conflict:
In the first place we have a duty to Australia and New Zealand, not merely, or chiefly, because they sprang as one man to our assistance at the beginning of the war, but because they are of the family, are members of the Commonwealth. We have a duty in the east also to our American ally, to whom our fullest help has been pledged and will certainly be given. We have a duty there, too, to China, who has suffered so long and so severely, and to the captured British territories. And we have a duty to the whole world, for this globe will not be at peace if aggressive militarism survives in any part of it.[50]
Viscount Samuel gave thanks to the King and Queen for their “unstinting” service and paid tribute to Winston Churchill and the government.[51] He also praised Parliament for its conduct and political cooperation during the war. Viscount Samuel argued:
The government have had a firm base on which to stand in the support of the two Houses of Parliament, and that has been achieved by a truce between the parties, honourably observed, though sometimes under considerable strain. That has not prevented wholesome criticism both in this House and in the other, which has frequently been recognised as valuable and which has borne good fruit. That political cooperation in Parliament has assisted the moral unity of the people, and that has made possible a military and material effort which has not only been invaluable in itself but commanded the respect and confidence of our great allies, and so contributed to that firm union throughout the alliance to which the victory has been due.[52]
As well as giving thanks to those mentioned by other members in their speeches, Viscount Samuel said he wanted to highlight the role of other groups. In particular he stressed the “debt that we owe to our British scientists”, suggesting that without their work and advances in scientific knowledge, the war would not have been won by the allies.[53] Viscount Samuel argued:
The art of war is now served by almost every branch of physical and chemical science, both fundamental and applied, in every branch of offensive and defensive warfare. If Germany alone had possessed that scientific knowledge and skill and efficiency, if Germany had been enabled to establish a scientific supremacy in this war, then our defeat would have been swift, complete and irremediable; not all the valour and the sacrifice of our fighting men could have saved us […] British science has proved itself second to none in the world; and when fully mobilized, and especially when working in the closest mutual cooperation with the scientists of the United States, it proved a match, and more than a match, for so highly scientifically organised a country as Germany. It was that which made victory possible which otherwise could not have been won.[54]
Viscount Samuel also praised the “admirable work” of organisations such as the Red Cross and the Order of St John, especially the “efficient and provident care for our men in the prison camps, both in Europe and in the far east”.[55]
3.2 Initial reaction to Japan’s surrender
The political landscape had changed in Britain between VE Day in May and VJ Day in August 1945. In July 1945 the UK held its first general election since November 1935.[56] Labour won a landslide victory and formed its first majority government. Labour leader Clement Attlee became prime minister and Winston Churchill became leader of the opposition.
The parliamentary session started on 1 August 1945 and the state opening was scheduled to take place on 15 August 1945.[57] The original date for the opening of Parliament had been 8 August 1945. However, it was announced on 30 July 1945 that it would be postponed until 15 August 1945 in order to “give the prime minister more time to complete the new government and to formulate their programme” after his return from the Potsdam conference.[58]
The opening of Parliament and the King’s Speech proceeded as planned on VJ Day. Before setting out the government’s legislative agenda, the speech expressed thanks for the end of the war:
The surrender of Japan has brought to an end six years of warfare which have caused untold loss and misery to the world. In this hour of deliverance, it is fitting that we should give humble and solemn thanks to God by whose grace we have been brought to final victory. My armed forces from every part of my Commonwealth and Empire have fought with steady courage and endurance. To them as well as to all others who have borne their share in bringing about this great victory and to all our allies our gratitude is due. We remember especially at this time those who have laid down their lives in the fight for freedom.[59]
The King’s Speech set out the government’s international policy, which it said would focus on the “urgent tasks” of reconstruction; the work of the United Nations “to maintain peace in accordance with justice and respect for human rights”; the duties of Britain’s forces in enemy occupied territories in Europe; and the repatriation of displaced people.[60] The government also said its “most immediate concern” would be to “ensure that all prisoners in Japanese hands are cared for and returned to their homes with all speed”.
House of Commons
On 15 August 1945, after the King’s Speech, Prime Minister Clement Attlee made a statement in the House of Commons setting out the terms of Japan’s surrender.[61] Mr Attlee then set out the government’s timetable of business. He said that he would move a motion for the House to proceed to St Margaret’s Church to attend a thanksgiving service. He explained that when the House returned, instead of debating the King’s Speech the House would consider an address of congratulations to the King. Mr Attlee told the House that consideration of the King’s Speech would be delayed until the following day, on 16 August 1945.
On 16 August 1945 the House of Commons debated the King’s Speech. Members used their speeches to reflect on the end of the second world war and the issues caused by the conflict that needed to be addressed.
Winston Churchill, now leader of the opposition, began his speech by setting out some of the events immediately leading up to Japan’s surrender. Mr Churchill explained that at the Potsdam conference, the allied leaders had been preparing for a “long and bloody campaign”.[62] He told the House that it was while at the conference, on 17 July 1945, “there came to us […] the eagerly awaited news of the trial of the atomic bomb”.[63]
Mr Churchill explained that before using the bomb, it had been decided to firstly “send a message in the form of an ultimatum to the Japanese”, which was issued in the Potsdam declaration, and “secondly, by repeated warnings, emphasised by heavy bombing attacks”.[64] He said an “endeavour was made to procure the general exodus of the civil population from the threatened cities”. He argued that “everything in human power, short of using the atomic bomb, was done to spare the civil population of Japan”.
Mr Churchill argued that the atomic bomb, more than anything else, had led to the “sudden and speedy ending of the war”. He contended that had Germany or Japan developed the bomb first they would have used it “upon us to our complete destruction”.[65] He argued:
Future generations will judge these dire decisions, and I believe that if they find themselves dwelling in a happier world from which war has been banished, and where freedom reigns, they will not condemn those who struggled for their benefit amid the horrors and miseries of this gruesome and ferocious epoch.[66]
Mr Churchill argued that while the use of the bomb led to peace, “men alone can keep that peace”.[67] He said he agreed with the US president that for the immediate future the “secrets of the atomic bomb” should not be given to other countries. However, Mr Churchill acknowledged that other nations would eventually develop the technology. He stressed therefore the important role of international bodies “of supreme authority” to “give peace on earth and decree justice among men”.[68]
On the issue of the future of democracy in Europe, particularly in the Balkans and Eastern Europe, Mr Churchill argued that there may be need for a period of “authoritarian government” because the alternative “would be anarchy”.[69] He stressed however that ultimately there needed to be universal suffrage in those countries, where people could vote “free without duress to express, by secret ballot without intimidation”. He urged:
[…] surely we can agree in this new parliament […] that it is the will of the people, freely expressed by secret ballot, in universal suffrage elections, as to the form of their government and as to the laws which shall prevail, which is the first solution and safeguard […] While the war was on and all the allies were fighting for victory, the word “democracy”, like many people, had to work overtime, but now that peace has come we must search for more precise definitions.[70]
Mr Attlee followed Mr Churchill, and he began his speech by thanking the former prime minister for his leadership during the war:
However we may be divided politically in this House I believe I shall be expressing the views of the whole House in making acknowledgment here of the transcendent services rendered by the right hon gentleman to this country, to the Commonwealth and Empire, and to the world during his tenure of office as prime minister […] At critical times, by his personal relationship with the heads of allied states, he promoted the harmony and co-operation of all, and in the sphere of strategy his wide experience, grasp of essentials, his willingness to take necessary risks, were of the utmost value.[71]
Mr Attlee agreed with Mr Churchill on various issues including the importance of the United Nations in light of the development of the atomic bomb and the “desire that nations should be free”.[72] Mr Attlee concurred nevertheless that there should be a limit on Britain’s “interference with the internal affairs of other states”.
Mr Attlee also stressed that it was not only the political and social life of Europe that had been “shattered” but that the economic situation was “very grave”.[73] He said many people in Europe would be “cold and hungry this winter despite all that can be done”. He identified issues with transport shortages, and damage to means of communication and to industries. Mr Attlee in particular stressed the importance of coal. He argued:
All the liberated countries in western Europe need coal, and without it there is bound to be unemployment. If industry cannot work, railways cannot function, and badly needed food will be lost for want of processing facilities. We must get coal.[74]
On the issue of demobilisation, Mr Attlee stated that in the immediate future, the strength of the armed forces would remain at “a high level”.[75] He explained:
Although the actual fighting is over, we have not come to the time of full demobilisation. We have to keep the strength of our armed forces at a high level to meet our military commitments. Japan’s surrender will not affect our commitments in Europe, and, in the east, we shall still need substantial forces to make our contribution to the occupation of Japan and the recovery of our colonial possessions and to help in restoring order.
It would be folly to think that you can at once disband your forces. It was one of the weaknesses of the last war.[76]
However, Mr Attlee said that the surrender of Japan had made possible “when plans have been re-cast, to accelerate the rate at which men and women are being released”.[77] He said demobilisation would be speeded up.
Leader of the Liberal Party Clement Davies focused on the implications the development of the atomic bomb had on international politics and the need for an international organisation. He argued that there needed to be “throughout the world one rule of law to which all must be subservient”.[78] He called for a tribunal which would settle disputes between states and for the power to use the bomb to be “only in the hands of that one sovereign power responsible for the rule of law throughout the world”. Mr Davies suggested the existing agreements that had led to the creation of the United Nations may have to be reconsidered. He argued that while he accepted the technology of the bomb should not be shared at that time, it would not remain secret for long. He said it was his hope that the “political thought and political science of this world will at last begin to keep pace with […] mechanical invention”.
House of Lords
On 15 August 1945, the business of the House of Lords mirrored that of the House of Commons. Following the King’s Speech, the House adjourned and attended a thanksgiving service at Westminster Abbey. After the service, the Lords resumed and moved an address of congratulations to the King.
The following day, on 16 August 1945, the Lords debated the King’s Speech. On the subject of the war and its immediate aftermath, members spoke on many of the same issues raised in the Commons, including the development and use of the atomic bomb and future international cooperation.
Speaking for the new Labour government, Lord Addison said the government was committed to the fullest cooperation with other “free nations in seeing that [the atomic bomb] is not turned to destructive ends”.[79] He cautioned that without international cooperation “we face destruction”.
Lord Addison also stressed the government’s commitment to its relationship with the Commonwealth and the British Empire, and to international relations with the US and the Soviet Union:
I do not think I can improve on what he [Viscount Cranborne] said with regard to the vital importance of maintaining the clearest understanding and most intimate cooperation between ourselves and the Dominions, of improving the condition of our Colonial Empire and of seeking to develop, by every means possible, the closest understanding and friendship between ourselves, the United States and Soviet Russia.[80]
Viscount Cranborne, the leader of the opposition in the House of Lords and who had been leader of the House of Lords and secretary of state for dominion affairs during the war, acknowledged there was debate over the ethics of the use of the atomic bomb, and that the “full implications” of the technology were not yet known.[81] However, he said people were “profoundly thankful” that it had brought peace.
Viscount Cranborne welcomed the government’s policy towards the US and the Soviet Union. He argued it was “essential” the government continued good relations with both powers.[82] He also welcomed the government’s support of the United Nations charter, signed at San Francisco. Viscount Cranborne had attended the conference and played a part in negotiations on the charter.
4. Commemorative events to mark 80th anniversary
A series of national and local events and celebrations have been planned to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of the second world war. The first set of events will take place on the early May bank holiday, on 5 May 2025, a military procession and flypast of current and historic military aircraft in London. The Cenotaph will be dressed in union flags for the duration of the four-day VE Day commemorations taking place between 5 and 8 May 2025. Other events planned to mark VE Day and VJ Day include:
- street parties across the country and on HMS Belfast in London
- installation of ceramic poppies at the Tower of London
- a service at Westminster Abbey and a concert at Horseguards Parade on 8 May 2025
- a service at the National Memorial Arboretum to mark VJ Day on 15 August 2025[83]
Parliament has confirmed a programme of commemorative events and activities taking place on the estate, including:
- Illumination of the Ayrton Light in the Elizabeth Tower to commemorate its relighting just before VE Day.
- Display in Westminster Hall from May until September showcasing imagery from the parliamentary collections. On Friday 13 June and Friday 11 July members of the public will be able to attend a twilight tour of Parliament.
- Parliament choir to host a VE Day anniversary concert in Westminster Hall on 7 May.[84]
Further information on the commemorative events planned can be found the House of Commons briefing ‘VE Day and VJ Day: Commemorations for the 80th anniversaries’ (28 April 2025).
5. Read more
- House of Lords Library, ‘Victory in Europe Day 75th anniversary’, 6 May 2020
- House of Lords Library, ‘VJ Day 75: Role of the Chindits in the Burma campaign’, 14 July 2020
- House of Lords Library, ‘Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam: Three wartime conferences that shaped Europe and the world’, 21 July 2020
- Statement by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Department for Culture, Media and Sport Stephanie Peacock on ‘Victory in Europe and Japan: 80th Anniversaries’, HC Hansard, 13 March 2025, cols 1306–17
- Statement by the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Department for Culture, Media and Sport Baroness Twycross on ‘Victory in Europe and Japan: 80th Anniversaries’, HL Hansard, 20 March 2025, cols 1333–46
Cover image: Image IWM (H 41849) from the Imperial War Museum collection.
References
- Imperial War Museums, ‘What you need to know about VE Day’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- US National Archives, ‘Surrender of Germany (1945)’, accessed 28 April 2025. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘What you need to know about VE Day’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘What you need to know about VE Day’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- ‘Big Three’ was the name given to the leaders of the US, the Soviet Union and Britain during the second world war (Imperial War Museums, ‘How the Potsdam conference shaped the future of post-war Europe’, accessed 17 April 2025). Return to text
- Gill Bennett, ‘What’s the context? VJ Day, 15 August 1945’, History of government blog, 14 August 2020. Return to text
- US Department of State’s Office of the Historian, ‘Foreign relations of the United States: Diplomatic papers, the conference of Berlin (the Potsdam conference), 1945, vol II’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- R H P Mason and J G Caiger, ‘A History of Japan’, 2004, p 353. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘VJ Day and the end of the second world war’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- R H P Mason and J G Caiger, ‘A History of Japan’, 2004, p 353. Return to text
- As above; and Imperial War Museums, ‘VJ Day and the end of the second world war’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- Gill Bennett, ‘What’s the context? VJ Day, 15 August 1945’, History of government blog, 14 August 2020. Return to text
- R H P Mason and J G Caiger, ‘A History of Japan’, 2004, p 353. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- As above, p 354. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘VJ Day and the end of the second world war’, accessed 17 April 2025; and Gill Bennett, ‘What’s the context? VJ Day, 15 August 1945’, History of government blog, 14 August 2020. Return to text
- Gill Bennett, ‘What’s the context? VJ Day, 15 August 1945’, History of government blog, 14 August 2020; and R H P Mason and J G Caiger, ‘A History of Japan’, 2004, p 354. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘VJ Day and the end of the second world war’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- The Gazette, ‘This month in history: VJ Day’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘VJ Day and the end of the second world war’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- Gill Bennett, ‘What’s the context? VJ Day, 15 August 1945’, History of government blog, 14 August 2020. Return to text
- Imperial War Museums, ‘VJ Day and the end of the second world war’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- As above; and United Nations, ‘The San Francisco conference’, accessed 17 April 2025. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- Norrie MacQueen, ‘The United Nations since 1945: Peacekeeping and the Cold War’, 1999, pp 8–9. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 8 May 1945, col 1869. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 8 May 1945, col 1869. Return to text
- Journals of the House of Commons: vol 200 (November 1944–June 1945), p128. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- As above. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 8 May 1945, cols 159–62. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 169. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 169. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 165. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 166. Return to text
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- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 172. Return to text
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- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 175. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 175. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 176. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 176. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, cols 176–8. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, cols 178–9. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, col 177. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945, cols 177–8. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 May 1945 col 177. Return to text
- House of Commons Library, ‘UK election statistics: 1918–2023—A century of elections’, 9 August 2023. Return to text
- House of Commons Library, ‘Number of sitting days in the House of Commons by session since 1900’, 9 August 2023. Return to text
- House of Lords Library, ‘State opening of Parliament: Postponements’, 22 June 2017. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 August 1945, col 8. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 15 August 1945, cols 8–12. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 15 August 1945, cols 48–50. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 77. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 78. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, cols 78–9. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 79. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 79. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 79. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 80. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 85. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 86. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, cols 96–7. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 104. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 102. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 103. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 105. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, cols 105–6. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 106. Return to text
- HC Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 115. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 76. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 76. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 36. Return to text
- HL Hansard, 16 August 1945, col 38. Return to text
- Department for Culture, Media and Sport and Ministry of Defence, ‘Cenotaph draped in union flags, Westminster Abbey service, concert and flypast among plans unveiled to mark VE Day 80’, 4 March 2025. Return to text
- UK Parliament, ‘Parliament marks 80 years since the end of the second world war’, accessed 22 April 2025. Return to text